<\/p>\n\n\n\n
nga Giuseppe Mazzei<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Teoria liberale e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb nuk ka lindur n\u00eb Itali dhe as nuk ka z\u00ebn\u00eb rr\u00ebnj\u00eb t\u00eb forta n\u00eb vendin ton\u00eb. Pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye shpesh b\u00ebhet objekt keqkuptimesh dhe shtremb\u00ebrimesh, t\u00eb cilat e b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb duket p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb. Objektivi i preferuar i anti-liberal\u00ebve t\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha gjer\u00ebsive \u00ebsht\u00eb shpesh Friedrich A. von Hayek, studiuesi m\u00eb i madh i orientuar drejt liberal\u00ebve t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb nj\u00ebzet\u00eb. Ne flasim p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb me Lorenzo Infantino, profesor i Filozofis\u00eb s\u00eb Shkencave Sociale n\u00eb LUISS, i cili ka redaktuar botimin italian t\u00eb shum\u00eb prej veprave t\u00eb Hayek (s\u00eb fundmi, Njohuria dhe procesi social<\/em>, Rubbettino Editore) <\/em>dhe i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00eb nj\u00eb nga ekspert\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj, n\u00eb nivel nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, t\u00eb teoris\u00eb liberale.<\/p>\n\n\n\n D. \u00c7far\u00eb kontributi mund t\u00eb na jap\u00eb leximi i Hayek-ut sot n\u00eb mbrojtjen e sistemeve demokratike? Ose, n\u00ebse d\u00ebshironi, nga \u00e7far\u00eb konsiston r\u00ebnd\u00ebsia e mendimit t\u00eb Hayek?<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n Gjat\u00eb viteve, R. Hayek ka zhvilluar nj\u00eb teori t\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb. Merita e tij m\u00eb e madhe ishte t\u00eb rishikonte liberalizmin klasik dhe t\u00eb na kishte siguruar, pas dy luft\u00ebrave bot\u00ebrore dhe afirmimit t\u00eb totalitarizmit, t\u00eb artikuluara n\u00eb m\u00ebnyra t\u00eb ndryshme, mjetet p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur lirin\u00eb e zgjedhjes individuale. Ndon\u00ebse fillimisht i njohur p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb b\u00ebnte n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e shkenc\u00ebs ekonomike, ai punoi n\u00eb psikologji teorike, teori t\u00eb dijes dhe filozofi politike. N\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet pun\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrpikt\u00eb dhe t\u00eb vazhdueshme, e cila zgjat disa dekada, ai ka identifikuar kushtet q\u00eb lejojn\u00eb q\u00eb liria t\u00eb mos jet\u00eb nj\u00eb deklamim bosh, por nj\u00eb struktur\u00eb institucionale, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn t\u00eb gjith\u00eb mund t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunojn\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb paq\u00ebsore me nj\u00ebri-tjetrin, t\u00eb mobilizojn\u00eb njohurit\u00eb dhe burimet e veta. , pa pasur nevoj\u00eb t'i n\u00ebnshtrohen nj\u00eb hierarkie t\u00eb detyrueshme q\u00ebllimesh. <\/p>\n\n\n\n D. Mund t\u00eb na thoni di\u00e7ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb?<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n A. Problemi kryesor i jet\u00ebs shoq\u00ebrore \u00ebsht\u00eb se si t'i b\u00ebjm\u00eb veprimet e qenieve njer\u00ebzore t\u00eb pajtueshme reciprokisht. Q\u00eb nga origjina e tij, liberalizmi i ka kthyer shpin\u00ebn besimit se kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb detyr\u00eb e subjekteve apo grupeve t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta, t\u00eb pajisura me njohuri t\u00eb privilegjuara. Dhe ia besoi veten \u201cqeveris\u00eb s\u00eb ligjit\u201d. Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se p\u00ebrcaktimi i kufijve midis veprimeve nuk imponohet nga nj\u00eb autoritet m\u00eb i lart\u00eb, i cili dikton p\u00ebrmbajtjen e jet\u00ebs s\u00eb \u00e7do personi. Ajo p\u00ebrcaktohet nga norma juridike, e cila nuk parashikon asnj\u00eb detyrim, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 atij t\u00eb mos shkaktimit t\u00eb d\u00ebmit ndaj t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve. Hayek me k\u00ebmb\u00ebngulje hodhi drit\u00eb mbi kuptimin e "sundimit me ligj". Na b\u00ebri t\u00eb kuptojm\u00eb se liria individuale e zgjedhjes, edhe para se t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb koncept politik, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb koncept juridik.<\/p>\n\n\n\n D. Megjithat\u00eb, emri i Hayek \u00ebsht\u00eb i lidhur me <\/em>\u201cneoliberalizmi<\/em>\u00bb kuptohet si nj\u00eb konceptim i shfrenuar i jet\u00ebs shoq\u00ebrore, pra si nj\u00eb ndjekje e verb\u00ebr e fitimit, pa marr\u00eb parasysh pasojat sociale. <\/em>A \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur nj\u00eb shoqat\u00eb e till\u00eb?<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n A. Tashm\u00eb termi "liberaliz\u00ebm", i futur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb n\u00ebn\u00e7muese n\u00eb fund t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb n\u00ebnt\u00ebmb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb, na v\u00eb n\u00eb drejtimin e gabuar t\u00eb udh\u00ebtimit. Fjala nuk ka ekuivalent n\u00eb gjuh\u00eb t\u00eb tjera. N\u00ebse me "liberaliz\u00ebm" ose "neoliberaliz\u00ebm" n\u00ebnkuptojm\u00eb t'i referohemi zgjedhjes individuale n\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimin e burimeve, ne duhet t'i dor\u00ebzohemi vetes s\u00eb kuptuarit se, pa k\u00ebt\u00eb, asnj\u00eb liri nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur. Q\u00eb nga Platoni, t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ata q\u00eb e kan\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtuar lirin\u00eb kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb thirrje p\u00ebr shtypjen e pron\u00ebs private ose "neutralizimin" e saj, n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet nj\u00eb sistemi kompleks kufizimesh dhe kontrollesh. Por ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb. Meqen\u00ebse mobilizimi i burimeve \u00ebsht\u00eb rezultat i mobilizimit t\u00eb njohurive, parandalimi i s\u00eb par\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb i barabart\u00eb me parandalimin e t\u00eb dyt\u00ebs. K\u00ebshtu, zhvillimi i lir\u00eb i procesit shoq\u00ebror b\u00ebhet i pamundur ose i ngat\u00ebrruar, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb nj\u00eb proces i eksplorimit t\u00eb t\u00eb panjohur\u00ebs dhe korrigjimit t\u00eb gabimeve. Pasoja e k\u00ebsaj \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb r\u00ebnie e dukshme e produktivitetit dhe e mir\u00ebqenies son\u00eb. <\/p>\n\n\n\n D. Piketty e p\u00ebrfshin Hayek-un n\u00eb mesin e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesve t\u00eb nj\u00eb konceptimi t\u00eb regjistrimit t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb, ai flet p\u00ebr nj\u00eb <\/em>\u201cKonspiracion koherent dhe i pathyesh\u00ebm ordoliberal dhe pron\u00ebsor<\/em>\u00bb dhe aludon p\u00ebr shum\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr. \u00c7far\u00eb mund t\u00eb them? <\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n R. Piketty faj\u00ebson Hayek p\u00ebr shum\u00eb gj\u00ebra. Por nuk krahason idet\u00eb apo nuk shqyrton pasojat. Me nj\u00eb stil q\u00eb i p\u00ebrket m\u00eb shum\u00eb \u201ct\u00eb brendsh\u00ebmve politik\u00eb\u201d (Weber) sesa studiuesve, ai e vendos Hayek n\u00eb mesin e atyre q\u00eb faj\u00ebsojn\u00eb madje varf\u00ebrin\u00eb. P\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar Piketty-n, duhet t'i drejtohemi George Orwell-it, i cili na dha, duke iu referuar universit totalitar, konceptin e "newspeak". N\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn e re, lufta p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson paqen, lirin\u00eb p\u00ebr skllav\u00ebrin\u00eb, e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb. K\u00ebtu, kur ai sulmon pun\u00ebn e b\u00ebr\u00eb nga Hayek p\u00ebr "qeverin\u00eb e ligjit", Piketty p\u00ebrdor Newspeak, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin liria individuale e zgjedhjes, e b\u00ebr\u00eb e mundur me ligj, b\u00ebhet skllav\u00ebri. Sa i p\u00ebrket akuz\u00ebs se ka qen\u00eb p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebs i diktatur\u00ebs s\u00eb Pinochet-it gjat\u00eb viteve t\u00eb \u00c7ikagos, mjafton t\u00eb thuhet se Hayek u kthye n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebrpara k\u00ebsaj afere dhe se, pas atyre ngjarjeve, me t\u00eb cilat ai nuk kishte asnj\u00eb lidhje, iu dha \u00e7mimi Nobel. E cila do t\u00eb ishte p\u00ebrjashtuar nga p\u00ebrfshirja e tij e mundshme, qoft\u00eb edhe ideale. <\/p>\n\n\n\n <\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" di Giuseppe Mazzei La teoria liberale della societ\u00e0 non \u00e8 nata in Italia, n\u00e9 ha mai messo solide radici nel nostro paese. Proprio per tale ragione, \u00e8 sovente oggetto di fraintendimenti e distorsioni, che la fanno apparire per quello che non \u00e8. Il bersaglio preferito degli antiliberali di tutte le latitudini \u00e8 molto spesso Friedrich […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":5050,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_seopress_robots_primary_cat":"","_seopress_titles_title":"","_seopress_titles_desc":"","_seopress_robots_index":"","iawp_total_views":9,"footnotes":""},"categories":[423,446,448],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-4979","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-arte-libri-musica","category-cultura-2","category-interviste-2"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/albanitaly.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4979","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/albanitaly.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/albanitaly.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/albanitaly.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/albanitaly.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4979"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/albanitaly.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4979\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":5727,"href":"https:\/\/albanitaly.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4979\/revisions\/5727"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/albanitaly.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/5050"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/albanitaly.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4979"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/albanitaly.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4979"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/albanitaly.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4979"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}